Algeria Graphs: Women in Parliament & Relationships II

Below are two graphs using the data on the 2007-2012 Algerian People’s National Assembly (APN) originally represented in the charts in this previous posting. Following these are two graphics dealing with relationships within the Algerian regime.

The first represents the APN delegations that include women (all do not). The large cities have a larger share female representatives, but women from smaller regions (Bechar, for instance) are represented as well — often with only one woman in the lot. Algiers has the largest number of women in its delegation overall.

The second represents all parties in the parliament and their woman delegates — all do not include women and many include only one or two. Of the three ruling parties the FLN leads the way (11), with the RND trailing far behind (1) and the MSP not even in the running (0) in its number of women delegates. The FLN is tied with Louisa Hanoune’s Workers Party (PT) are tied at 11 for the largest number of women delegates. But the PT has the highest percentage of woman representatives of any party by a wide margin (11 of 26 or 42.3%; compare that to the FLN’s 11 of 136 or 8% and the RND’s meager 1 of 61 or 1.6%). Many of the small, minor parties have one female member serving (sometimes making half or one their of their whole delegation female).

For perspective, one should consider (along with the general irrelevance of the APN) that many of the larger parties that have no female representatives in the APN often have female party sections or have women serving in local and municipal assemblies and offices.

Unrelated to this subject (in the general sense) are two updated graphics representing the relationships between the presidency, the Interior Ministry and the intelligence/military apparatus. These were previously posted in a posting titled “Relationships I“; this may be considered “Relationships II,” though more through updates to them are to follow. The first is meant to account for Yazid Zerhouni’s removal from the Interior Ministry and his replacement by Daho Ould Kablia.

Next is a graphic representing, vaguely and generally, the network of “clans” or elite networks in Algeria’s bureaucracy and state structure — the shellas. IIt emphasizes the institutional relationships rather than personal ones. Note that recent events have the Ministry of Energy and SONATRACH under both due to changes in staff and management brought about largely by the influence of the DRS.

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