New Mauritanian-American blog

I should like to direct my readers to a fellow Bostonian blogger, of Mauritanian origins, writing especially on the Ould Abdel Aziz’s government’s attacks on Hanevy Ould Dahah of Taqadoumy, which remain on going. Hanevy has been locked up, been due for release and then locked right back up again for around six months or so. He is the editor of Taqadoumy. He is on the fourth day of a hunger strike at the moment. The blog’s clever title is Dekhnstan.

To read Hanevy in his own words, see his columns at Taqadoumy and his defense in court from this past August.


On the PT-RND ‘agreement’

How sad the Workers Party (PT) has become. Like the other parties of the Algerian pseudo-opposition, it has come to represent only the strongest of the undesirable tendency in Algerian politics. Loud mouthed, full of angst and at a loss for action-oriented principles, the PT has contracted a virus that munches away on its host and then moves on to gobble up yet another. It is the myth of participatory opposition. Its leadership will deny that description, but its activities and activists will persist in naming it so. Like the MSP, it is ready to sacrifice what is left of its popular legitimacy for cabinet post and more parliamentary seats. Like most Algerian parties, its role in corruption and the preservation of the ruling class become more evident and more powerful as one goes up the food chain towards the houses of parliament from the municipal aide. Its popular marginality as a half-way communist group preclude it from posing an ideological or operation threat to the ruling castes, but its moderate following and image of anger make it useful in Algeria’s managed democratic show business. In a broken polity, it represents a rising star, along side the “nationalist” Algerian National Front, where most so-called opposition groups are in regime-sponsored decline or confusion. Recent events suggest that in its success it has taken lessons from other, larger parties — and has opted to move with the dominant breeze rather than be crushed by those who make the rules in Algeria’s political games. Read the rest of this entry »


Again on Mauritania kidnappings

New information seems to highlight the criminal, rather than ideological and terrorist, aspects of the recent Mauritania kidnappings.

There is a disinterest in whole affair in official and elite circles. The overall attitude looks for “more pressing problems” unrelated to the kidnappings. The chief concern, as far as the kidnappings are concerned, is Mauritania’s image, which many believe is suffering as a result of recent AQIM activities.

Well placed Mauritanian sources have it that the kidnappers were not Mauritanians and were not regular AQIM members. Rather the kidnappers were hired guns of multiple west African nationalities (Nigerians being mentioned specifically; it is also said that a least one of the kidnappers was a non-Muslim Nigerian) who were put up to doing the kidnapping for cash. From those hands they were transfered to AQIM in Mali.

That information forces one to ask questions about AQIM recruitment and operation capabilities. For those committed to the government-proxy theory it raises suspicions, given that the kidnappers came from outside Mauritania (and were not from the desert countries). Additionally, for those less attached to the proxy thesis, it raises a number of tactical and operational questions, especially its reach in the south and its connections to international criminal networks in west Africa and perhaps even beyond. More yet to come.

Update: Around 9:00 PM last night two Italians, one originally from Burkina Faso were kidnapped in Menssiera east of Kobenni and near the Malian border. More updates to follow.


Shortly on the kidnappings

Having been largely quiet on the kidnappings of two Spaniards and the killing of three Mauritanians in Trarza last week, here are some vague and general thoughts. The kidnapping and the murders would appear to fit the general AQIM pattern of banditry and criminality one observes from its activities in Mauritania over the last two years. The kidnappers have demanded monies, not concrete political demands. This is to say that the act itself is political enough, coming from whom it does, and that the object of the operation is accomplished by the image it presents to outsiders (and local governments) and, more importantly, by success in securing a ransom from western governments — or failure in that pursuit and then setting off with the hostages’ heads. The primary objective is to make a statement of strength and, flowing from that, to procure the necessary funds to continue and enhance the group’s activities. Questions as to whether there is government involvement are warranted, though one might be considered a conspiracy theorist for linking central governments to directly to the kidnapping. It more likely that local government officials were complicit either by negligence or conspiracy in allowing (rather than making) the event happen. At the same time, one must also put the fact that in the last several months so many terroristic events have taken place in Mauritania in context of those who rule that country, and additionally with how few resources they do so.

There is the issue of incompetence, negligence and an eagerness to use the terrorist problem, which is in general marginal — though still important — as a political tool to demonstrate the supposed indispensability of those in power. These are all interrelated and could be seen in the character of the Ould Abdel Aziz government from a few months after it seized power. One now sees that there are more attacks since a man who claimed his right to rule partly on the basis that he was prepared to fight terrorism. If he has not calculated some element of this for his own advantage, the procurement of western aid especially, Mauritania is headed for more minor disturbances because its leaders have not the faculties to address the problem. Corruption on the frontiers, where much militant activity is organized, enables terrorism. Ould Abdel Aziz has himself as an enemy of corruption, but one sees only symbolic measures in that field. Indeed, symbolism without actual reform or enduring solutions is his style of rule, as per the dismissal of the chief of police last week. This was not unlike the highly symbolic but generally meaningly Ould Nagi case (which will have its own post soon enough) — it makes a statement but resolves very little. So there are many statements being made and many monetary prizes being sought. What about ideology?

AQIM’s theology and political ideology surely what animates its cause, but that ideology is enabled by poverty and by an existing infrastructure of corruption broadening its appeal beyond men whose first interest is the affirmation of stringent religious philosophy and its establishment in government. This makes it quite possible for the organization to draw on perfectly secular criminal networks, new and old. The downed 727 two weeks was involved in  what some see as an intersection of the drug trade and the AQIM network. Whatever the validity of that view, the organization continues to operate like a gang, recruiting fellow travelers and riffraff. This has been observed on this blog before, and by others too. More extensive and (hopefully) more insightful comments will follow.


On Ross Douthat and Islam

This past week the New York Times published three pieces on the minaret issue on its opinion pages. There was one, quite Neanderthal, written by Ross Douthat, the Times‘s resident conservative who has opined on the dangers of Islam before; another — by Peter Stamm, a Swiss writer – bland and half-way apologetic, and a third more courageous and reasonable than much of what the Times has published on European Islam recently. Unsurprisingly the third piece was written by the senior director of Amnesty, Claudio Cordone. The second piece shows at once the inevitable truth that tolerant voices still exist in Europe and that too often such voices fail to grasp the gravity of the problem with their compatriots’ “Muslim problem”.*

Douthat’s is more pressing from the American standpoint than either Cordone’s or Peter Stamm’s. Ross Douthat’s writing on Islam to date is disappointing from the standpoint one concerned with the well-being of western Muslims, and it deserves examination and criticism, as it represents the provincialism and bad judgment that persists in even the “reformist” set among the new generation of conservatives and Republicans, so rooted in the Culture War and revenge politics. This is not surprising, though it is disappointing and worrisome nonetheless.

Douthat has been labeled by liberals and conservatives all over, magazine and newspapers, as one of American conservatism’s up-and-coming leaders. In 2008, with Reihan Salam (whose piece on the Fort Hood massacre is worth reading), Douthat authored Grand New Party: How Conservatives can win back the Middle Class and save the American Dream (Doubleday) a tract on how to make the Republican Party credible with its “base” once more. In Douthat’s writings on “Islam,” one finds a provincialism and illiteracy that reinforces the dogmatism that make so much of American conservatism inaccessible to minorities, American Muslims in particular. Pity his lack of creativity in the time of Obama. Read the rest of this entry »


Algerian Review

Please take the time to read the new worthwhile English-language blog, Algerian Review.


Obama, Arab & Muslim opinion and narratives: Thoughts & comments

Image form the Economist

Several matters related to problems in US policy in the Middle East, and the Muslim world more generally, and regional perceptions of that policy came up in the high-brow blogosphere. The most interesting was Walt’s discussion of “Why they hate us,” and the various op-eds about Arab disappointment with the Obama administration and Marc Lynch’s responses and thoughts on that issue. These are my unedited and likely ill-considered reflections and thoughts on that. Readers will know that this blog is skeptical and pessimistic generally, and especially so of the Obama administration’s Policy of Promises. Read the rest of this entry »


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